“给”和“跟”在川黔地区的西南官话中，功能上出现了很多类同现象。“跟” 不但可以作伴随介词，还可以用作受益者标记、与格标记，甚至给予动词，其功能与官话 的“给”相同。语义的多功能演变是导致“给”“跟”功能相混的主要原因。“给”经历了 “给予＞受益者＞人物方向＞伴随”“给予＞受益者＞接受者（动词前）”和“给予＞接受 者（动词后）”的语义演变；“跟”经历了“伴随＞人物方向＞受益者＞接受者＞给予”的语 义演变。受益者标记“跟”在川黔地区的使用应是移民带来的，给“跟”演变为引出接受者 的介词创造了条件。给予动词“跟”由“Ｎ＋跟＋Ｏ＋ＶＰ”结构中引出接受者的“跟”演变 而来。当Ｎ既是给予物又是交付者时，便激活了句子表达“给予”事件的信息，“跟＋ Ｏ＋ＶＰ”就可由表接受受益的状中结构重新分析为连动结构，“跟”由此逐渐逆语法化为 给予动词。

In the Southwest Mandarin of Sichuan and Guizhou, gei ( 给 ) and gen ( 跟 ) have many similarities in the functions. Gen ( 跟 ) can be used not only as a comitative preposition, but also as a benefactive marker, a dative marker, and even as a givingverb, which has the same function as gei( 给 ) in Mandarin. The multifunctional evolution of semantics is the main reason for the overlap of the functions of gei ( 给 ) and gen ( 跟 ) . Gei ( 给 ) has experienced the semantic evolution of ″giving > be nefactive > human direction > comitative″, ″giving > benefactive > recipient ( before verb) ″ and ″giv ing > recipient ( after verb) ″, while gen ( 跟 ) has experienced the semantic evolution of ″comitative > human direction > benefactive > recipient > giving″. The use of the benefactive marker gen ( 跟 ) in Sichuan and Guizhou may have brought by the immigrants in Chinese history, which creates conditions for gen ( 跟 ) to evolve into a preposition that elicits the recipient. The givingverb gen ( 跟 ) evolved from gen ( 跟 ) that elicits the recipient in the structure of ″N + gen( 跟 ) + O + VP″. When N is both the given item and the deliverer, it activates the information in the sentence that expresses the giving event whereas ″gen( 跟 ) + O + VP″ can be reanalyzed as a serialverb structure from the adverbial head structure, and gen ( 跟 ) gradually becomes a givingverb by antigrammaticalization.