The new quality productive forces provide new ideas and solutions for preventing and resolving the economic risks of deindustrialization. These ideas and solutions show a high degree of consistency in the internal logic in the five dimensions of underlying logic, driving engine, internal requirements, practice bottom line and key driving force. They all take human-oriented connotation as the development concept, scientific and technological innovation as the development driving force, stable proportion of manufacturing as the development goal, autonomy and controllability, safety and reliability as the development principles, and industrial iteration as the development path. The new productive forces prevent and resolve product risks by improving the independent, controllable, safe and reliable industrial chain and supply chain capabilities; cultivate opportunities to prevent and resolve factor risks by accelerating manufacturing technology innovation, capital accumulation and creating entrepreneurial talents; prevent and resolve market risks by creating ″structural dividends″ and narrowing the income gap; and prevent and resolve foreign exchange risks by improving the production capacity and competitiveness of industrial products. Development of new quality productivity can form high-level scientific and technological self-reliance, high-quality capital, and ″four-understanding″ strategic entrepreneurial talents, accelerate the construction of a unified national market and actively integrate into the international market, and achieve the goal of a strong manufacturing country.

High quality development has become the primary task of comprehensively building a modern socialist country. Further research on the influencing factors and laws of high quality development is an important theoretical and practical issue at present. Based on the provincial-level panel data from 2000 to 2021, this study constructs fixed effect models, threshold effect models, and mediating effect models. Findings show that the level of factor marketization can promote high quality economic development. Specifically, it promotes innovative development, but has an inhibitory effect on coordinated development, mainly on industrial structure coordination and urban-rural coordination. Geographically, the level of factor marketization in the eastern, central, and northeastern regions has promoted high quality economic development, mainly promoting innovative development, while the level of factor marketization in the eastern region has suppressed coordinated development. Horizontally, there is a threshold effect in the level of factor marketization, which significantly promotes high quality economic development and innovative development after crossing the threshold value, but is not conducive to coordinated development. Factor marketization, through its promotion of economic growth, provides a material basis for solving urban-rural income inequality and environmental problems, but its indirect promotion of coordinated urban-rural development is offset by its direct inhibitory effect, and its indirect promotion of green development is ″covered″ by its direct inhibitory effect. The level of factor marketization suppresses the sharing level between provinces. The study conclusion contributes to mechanism research of the impact of marketization on high quality economic development, to better understanding the laws of high quality economic development, and to the promotion of market-oriented construction to assist the high quality development of China’s economy.

Marx′s political science is linked to the Party and discipline education activities through the concept of ″principled politics″, that is, as a Marxist party, the Communist Party of China adheres to the two major principles provided by Marx′s political theory in its discipline education activities: one is to solve the alienation from one′s own specific humanity from the perspective of practical materialism; the other is to bridge the contradiction between the universality of the state and the privacy of individuals from the perspective of state-society relations. From the perspective of the two core propositions of Marx′s political science—practice and alienation, the Party′s discipline construction and discipline education are fundamentally a kind of ideological practice and political practice pointing to communism. It originates, in the process of modernization, from the clear understanding and accurate grasp of the Communist Party members as real people and the Communist Party organizations they constitute. In essence, it intends to overcome atomization through organization, overcome privateness with publicness, and bridge the gap between special interests and common interests.

Attaching great importance to discipline construction is a fine tradition and distinctive feature of the CPC, and is of great significance for strengthening the unity of the Party and consolidating its long-term ruling position. As a fundamental strategy for comprehensively and strictly governing the Party in the new era, the Party′s discipline construction has achieved significant results. The results of the structural equation model analysis indicate that improving the scientificity of the formulation of party rules, strengthening party discipline education, and strictly promoting discipline enforcement and supervision have a positive effect on the effectiveness of the Party′s discipline construction. In the new era and new journey, we must always adhere to the concept of full-cycle management, and promote the Party′s discipline formulation, discipline education, enforcement and supervision in the same direction and comprehensive force, so as to form a completely closed loop of the Party′s discipline construction to continuously enhance its effectiveness.

The institutional evolution of intra-party peer supervision of the Communist Party of China can be divided into four stages, namely, from imitating the supervisory committee system of the Communist Party of Russia (Bolsheviks) to the discipline inspection function created by the establishment of the Central Review Committee and the Central Party Affairs Committee of the CPC, to the establishment of the Party′s internal supervision institutions under the Party committees at all levels throughout the Party, and to the reconstruction of the Supervisory Committee in 1955 and the continuous strengthening of the supervision power over the party committees at the same level. Historical development shows that there exists a corresponding tension between the system of mutual supervision at the same level and democratic centralism. After the Third Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee of the Party, the Party Central Committee rebuilt the Discipline Inspection Commission and continuously strengthened its dual leadership system, giving the Discipline Inspection Commission a dual identity and creating two levels of connotation of mutual supervision at the same level. Since the 18th CPC National Congress, the CPC Central Committee has solved the problem of mutual supervision at the same level on the basis of democratic centralism and the basic system of intra-Party political life through the construction of the intra-Party supervision system, the hierarchical responsibility system of the Commission for Discipline Inspection, and the strengthening of supervision over the ″top leader″ and the leadership team, and has built a more dense and more restrictive cooperative power supervision system. The development process of the intra-Party mutual supervision system from exogenous to endogenous has demonstrated its lasting liveliness and vitality, and also demonstrated the superiority of the power supervision system with Chinese characteristics.

Unlike the legal norms and departmental legislative power established on the basis of traditional rule of law theory, the power to formulate supervisory regulations has been deeply shaped by the party and government system. The joint office system, request for instructions and report mechanism and high-level promotion mechanism under the party and government system have shaped the ″dual attribute of law and government″ of the right to formulate supervision laws and regulations, and shaped the supervision laws and regulations as the institutional existence in the self revolutionary system of the CPC, the compatibility system rules for assuming the functions of party building, and the core link between the rule of law and the rule of the Party in the anti-corruption field. From the perspective of shaping logic, the shaping of the power of the party and government system to formulate supervisory regulations can be divided into three logics, namely, the process shaping led by the request and report mechanism, the conceptual shaping driven by the high-level promotion mechanism, and the organizational shaping based on the joint office system, achieving the unity of the Party′s political leadership, ideological leadership, and organizational leadership. The above-mentioned shaping of the party and government system has created a series of practical difficulties for the operation of the power to formulate supervisory regulations, mainly reflected in the complexity of the basis for the operation of the power to formulate supervisory regulations and its authority dilemma, the closed nature of the operation process and its procedural dilemma, the joint nature and effectiveness dilemma of the operation subject, the specificity of the operation goal and its supervision dilemma. The fundamental way to resolve the above-mentioned difficulties relies on the party and government system, adhering to the leadership of the Party, optimizing the formulation authority, operational procedures, effectiveness levels, and supervision system of supervisory regulations, so as to demonstrate the ″autonomous approach to the construction of China′s anti-corruption regulatory system″.

Since the founding of the Communist Party of China,it has been trying to promote the transformation of Chinese society from traditional to modern,with promotion of rule of law in rural governance as an important part. Since the reform and opening up,China has implemented the policy of ″sending law to the countryside″,established basic judicial institutions,cultivated villagers′ legal thinking,and maintained the order of rural governance. In recent years, ″sending law to the countryside″ has changed from ″institutional embeddedness″ to ″professional embeddedness″, and ″lawyers going to the countryside″ has become a key tool to ensure social governance by law, and has entered the historical stage as an innovative measure of China′s national governance. State power, through the ″embedded leadership″, namely, through ″Party and Youth League work coverage″, ″formulating normative guidelines″, ″creating a lawsuit market″ and other methods, promotes the organizational embedding, value embedding and interest embedding, constructs the political, professional and incentive nature of ″lawyers going to the countryside″, leads professional lawyers to promote the entry of national laws into the countryside, helps resolve conflicts and disputes at the source of the countryside and safeguard rights according to law, eliminates the cognition of ″making a big fuss″ and opportunism, turns to legal thinking, legal expression and rule awareness, promotes the organic integration of self-governance, moral governance and rule of law, and demonstrates the governance effectiveness of the ″lawyers going to the countryside″ system, providing a new field for observing the Chinese Communist Party′s promotion of the rule of law in rural governance.

China′s Lawyer Law clearly stipulates that lawyers should pursue social justice, but the nature of justice is questioned in the current market economy. It is a traditional academic practice to use identity paradigm to provide evidence for lawyer justice, which is shown as ″nationalism″ and ″professionalism″ in China and in the West. However, identity justice is a kind of ″one-dimensional justice″, which is manifested in the ethical paternalism tendency, the public-private opposition in cognition, the lack of reflection in practice. In addition, the fact that the identity society has been out of date makes the identity paradigm no longer able to explain lawyer justice. The contract paradigm interprets lawyer justice as a kind of reciprocal altruistic behavior. Lawyer justice is achieved through the exchange process between the legal profession, the state, and society which conforms to the reality of current contract society. Moreover, contract justice represents a kind of ″multi-dimensional justice″, which transcends the identity justice at all levels, and is manifested as: establishing the dignity of the opposite party in ethics; turning to ″living for private and public affairs″ in cognition; attaching importance to reflection and criticism in practice. Judging by the development process of the lawyer profession in China, the contract paradigm can also find local adaptability in China, which can provide a lot of enlightenment for the current lawyer system reform.

Large-model self-driving cars, compared with other products or traditional vehicles, possess deep autonomous learning capabilities and independent driving will, which is revolutionary in criminal law. When Large-model autonomous vehicles are involved in product negligence crimes or traffic crimes, the manufacturers should bear criminal responsibility as corporate crimes and negligence crimes, to be specific, the product culpability in the intelligent era. The product culpability in the intelligent era evolved from traditional criminal responsibilities, which are respectively based on will, personality, society and purpose. The premise for its determination is that the legislature should add supporting forms of negligence crimes and corporate crimes for manufacturers who bear the product liability. When judicial authorities apply product culpability to manufacturers, they should grant large-model self-driving vehicle manufacturers the right to defend against development risks and the right to apply for corporate compliance.

Modern society, which boasts of ″science, technology, and progress″, has surpassed countless previous eras, achieving modern progress and creating a nightmare for modern people as well. In a society filled with escalating conflicts and tensions, a new form of teenage suicide has emerged—digital suicide. ″Blue Whale Challenge″ is a representative of digital suicide games, which is based on psychological technology and designs a series of ″psychological trapping″ mechanisms. The Blue Whale games use system desensitization technology to increase the fear threshold of self-harm among teenagers, increase the pain threshold through self-harm practice, endow death with worship meaning through cognitive reshaping, and use rewards and threats to kidnap teenagers in virtual cages and complete suicide missions. The essence of adolescent suicide is that family conflicts and interpersonal dilemmas caused by conflicts in modern society are difficult to reconcile with individual adolescents. Teenagers find it difficult to coordinate their conflicting ″self experiences″ and ″external experiences,″ which leads to low self-esteem, low values, and a sense of life meaninglessness. Therefore, the countermeasures against online suicide games require the joint participation of society, schools, and families.

In the digital era, China′s digital news producers include three basic types of media: public media, commercial media, and personal media; public media consists of traditional media, government media, and other public media; the three types of subjects are not completely closed, and there exists an impetus for mutual transformation among them. Because of the fundamental differences in the goal-setting of the three types of media, the uniqueness of the digital news system from other social systems lies in the fact that ″news is used to make things happen″, which is different from the traditional media′s claim that ″news naturally serves the community″ during the period of mass communication. The new actors in digital journalism work at the interface of a blending of reality and virtualization, with their own characteristics of news production. In order to do a good job of news and public opinion work, in the future, we should introduce multiple subjects, especially new actors outside the traditional media, into journalism research as ″key variables″, so as to give equal importance to both professional news and everyday life news, and pay special attention to the relationship between the two and the mechanism of mutual transformation, and endeavour to promote the professionalisation of everyday life news.

China′s modernity is closely related to a new sense of time. Photography, due to its inherent temporality, has become a medium for modern intellectuals to expand their visual boundaries and integrate into the global ″advanced″ cultural system. In the early 20^th century, a group of amateur photographers in Shanghai launched a new vision movement, bringing about the sprout of the Chinese photography modernism. They showed a clear scientific consciousness, questioned the standard of ″Pictorialism″ in the classical period of photography, and turned to explore the ontology of photography. Modernist photography has undergone the localization in transnational travel, becoming a link between the pursuit of personal subjectivity and the narrative of national survival, and constructing people′s cultural imagination of national competition and modern urban life.