China′s development has entered a period of coexisting strategic opportunities and risk challenges. The modernization of the national governance system and governance capacity is an important part of China′ s modernization, which provides institutional guarantee for the advancement of China′ s modernization. The mediatized governance of risks helps to promote the modernization of the national governance system and governance capacity, and thus boosts the Chinese modernization. The object of mediatized governance is the risk challenge in the hierarchical progressiveness of governance difficulty; the subject is a network of multiple governance subjects with the media as the pivot; the tool is a soft governance instrument dominated by media availability; the mode is a continuum flexibly adjusted between the difficulty hierarchy and network; the process is dominated by the risk lifecycle and the value chain; and the effectiveness is mainly measured from two sides of information transmission and subject connection. The interactions between the mediatized governance elements form an integrated analytical framework, providing a basic outline and knowledge overview for advancing mediatized governance research and practice.

The increasing maturity of media technology has technically accelerated the agenda setting of public opinion risks, making major sudden public events more frequent. Such major events often remain ″unfinished″ and carry the potential for generating secondary risks. Under the path dependence of discourse narrative and emotional framework, the cognitive imbalance and discourse rupture of the ″event″ group make it possible for risks to be recreated, amplified, generalized or trigger secondary effects. Therefore, in a context where the media system, social system, and risk system are highly intertwined, risk events as ″problems″ should be viewed through the lens of mediatized governance. By flattening, embedding and coupling, systematic and reasonable beliefs of emotion and consensus should be established, so as to eliminate the re-constructed risks.

With the continuous development of media technology, the concept of mediatized governance has been paid more and more attention, especially in dealing with major emergencies. Although this field has become a hot topic in academic and practical discussions, the theoretical context of mediatized governance, its role in risk society and its specific implementation path still needs to be further systematically sorted out. In the process of dealing with risks, mediatized governnance includes three levels: governance of media risks, governance of social risks, and governance of overall risks. Mediatized governance has a positive impact on the modernization of national governance in terms of flexible governance, public participation, risk prediction and intelligent strategies. To improve the effectiveness of media governance in major emergencies, it is necessary to establish a sound governance system, innovate governance methods, and achieve accurate docking with governance content.

In the societal context where the young generation is immersed in old-age care anxiety, social media breaks the identity gap between the urban youth group inside and outside the system. The ″ anxious generation″ has become their common identity label, strengthened amid opposition to other social groups. For young people, social media acts as a catalyst and massager for their perception of old-age care risks. Trust in social media moderates the impact of egalitarian values on the perception of old-age care risks. On the one hand, young people believe in the views on old-age care issues on social media. On the other hand, they completely trust the government′s ability to solve these problems, though responsibility is often attributed to the expert system. In a society where topics such as class, urban-rural di- vide, wealth disparity, and gender constitute new risk themes, the focus on the old-age risks expands the scope of risk topics, which in a sense provides richer empirical materials and theoretical insights for media-based governance of China′s risk society.

In the era of the AIGC, before the arrival of the AI singularity, the human-machine relationship is more complex, and the human-machine contradiction is more prominent than at any previous stage of its development. AI technology has brought benefits and vitality to society, and at the same time, it is overlaid with the crisis caused by the value reorganization it has triggered. How to accurately grasp the complex interplay between human-machine relations is an important issue in transforming crisis into vitality. From the perspective of organism philosophy, the human-computer relationship is a relationship of mutual promotion, interaction, and mutual constraints among life organism, social organism, spiritual organism, and artificial organism. The four kinds of organism relationship seek a stable, harmonious, and adaptive synergistic relationship in the process of continuous coordination and development. On this basis, by borrowing the WSR ( Wu Li - Shi Li - Ren Li) methodology, we can explore the path towards human-machine isomorphism and vitality transformation. This approach provides a new perspective and logical pathway for constructing human-machine isomorphism in the AIGC era and exploring the harmonious unity between humans and technology.

In recent years, the media female discourses in mainland of China have shown an obvious value symptom, that is, the excessive pursuit of elite women, and the subsequent habitual disregard and even malicious distortion of lower-class women. The ideological root of this symptom lies in the media′s recognition of the neoliberal feminist position, and the resulting simple amplification of the feminist gen- der dimension and the excessive alienation of the class dimension. Neoliberal feminism, on the premise of agreeing with the rules of neoliberal globalization, tries to create the illusion that women′s independence can be realized by personal struggle, and the result can only be that a few women benefit and the majority of women suffer. In this regard, our solution should be to rediscover the class feminist vision.

Personal data, generated through cooperation of multiple agents, carries characteristics of shareability, non-exclusivity and non-excludability. Its impact exhibits clear externalities and spillover effects. These characteristics indicate that personal data has a public nature. The public nature of personal data not only carries specific moral principles and ideals, but also requires the establishment of certain normative order, which needs to be defined from two dimensions: substantive publicness and formal publicness. Relationships and boundary between ″ publicness / privateness″, especially the balance be- tween individual protection and public interests, are the key functioning factors to understand the public nature of personal data. Following the interpretive path of ″public / private″ distinction, we can understand the connotation, the limitations and the normative issues of the public nature from the three perspectives of rights, structure, and ability. In governance practice, the individual self-determination logic of in- formed consent mechanism and the market logic of platform autonomy both treat personal data as a right frame and adopt the private law approach for its regulation, which makes it difficult to ensure the efficient implementation of the public nature. Therefore, future data governance and legislation should focus on establishing a collaborative governance system that integrates public and private laws and connects the public and private sectors, introduce national logic for moderate control and intervention, promote relevant ethics and norms of publicness, and consider structurally embedding ″upstream links″ such as data code design. However, no matter how significant the public value of data may be, the individual protection behind data cannot be forgotten.

Corrupt businessmen ( hunters) establish emotional-contractual and emotional-dominant political-business corruption relationships with corrupt officials ( hunted) through the hunting method of ″ emotional connection″, and establish instrumental-contractual and instrumental-dominant political-business corruption relationships with corrupt officials through the hunting method of ″coercion and inducement″. In these four types of relationships, the hunting methods used for hunting officials by corrupt businessmen, the interaction patterns between the two parties, and the core elements of maintaining corrupt relationships are all different. After all, the political-business corrupt relationship is asymmetric in nature in terms of the external form and fundamental nature of the behavior of the relationship, in terms of the power difference between the two parties in the relationship, and in terms of the power shift in the relationship interaction. These findings reveal the interactive and structural natures of political-business corruption, and provide a micro-research basis and some insights for effective governance of corruption issues.

Existing corruption research focuses on criminal corruption while overlooking the equally important non-criminal corruption. Based on principal-agent theory and routine activity theory, a frame- work for analyzing ″non-criminal corruption″ was constructed. The study found that, Among the 31 provincial-level administrative regions in China, both high and low occurrences of non-criminal corruption result from multiple concurrent mechanisms, with complex interactions between various triggering factors, and a phenomenon of causal asymmetry. There are five paths inducing non-criminal corruption: “ opportunity-induced type” , ″ opportunity-induced and supervision-lacking type″, ″ inadequate salary type″, ″ transparency-motivation-goal interaction type″, and ″four-dimensional interaction type″. In addition, there are five paths hindering the occurrence of non-criminal corruption: ″passive clean type″, ″supervision inhibition type″, ″ transparency inhibition type″, ″ transparency inhibition with high salaries for integrity type″, and ″supervision inhibition with high salaries for integrity type ″. For non-criminal corruption, the four dimensions within the agency-routine framework are not completely symmetrical, with the objective dimension being more important than the other three.

The current discussion on compliance management policies for Chinese enterprises mainly focuses on the sorting out of policies and the refinement of their characteristics, and lacks a strong elaboration on the logic of the policy evolution. In the perspective of punctuated equilibrium theory, Chinese enterprise compliance management policies have gone through four equilibrium periods and three intermit- tent periods, with the policy landscape undergoing the transformation of ″public ownership construction - reconstruction of the market economy - industry compliance - comprehensive compliance″. The policy field has changed from the central government to diversified participation, showing the evolution of non- linear change. In this process, the central government attention, local government response strategies, focal events and social forces are the main factors influencing the policy change. These factors have also led to challenges for compliance management policies, such as a heavy reliance on central government attention, selective responses from local governments, and limited participation from social forces. To further improve the development of Chinese enterprise compliance management policies, it is necessary to build consensus between the central and local governments, vigorously promote the transformation of the policy landscape from supervision and accountability to empowerment and development, and emphasize the voices of market players in policy changes.

The objectives of Shidu families ( families who lost their only child) support policies include maintaining basic survival, enhancing well-being, building a management system, creating an environment of public opinions and promoting social integration. The individual and structural dilemmas faced by the Shidu families have different levels of policy needs. Government departments need to flexibly use different types of policy tools to give full play to the instrumental effects of social policies, so as to achieve the policy objectives of individual needs, social stability and economic growth. The results of the quantitative analysis of the texts of policies to support Shidu families in 22 provincial administrative regions across China show that, the dimension of policy needs is dominated by the need to satisfy physiological and safety needs, while the needs of love and belonging, respect and self-realization are lacking; and the dimension of policy objectives is dominated by the goals of maintaining basic survival and enhancing well-being, while the goals of building a management system, creating an environment of public opinions and promoting social integration are lacking; in the dimensions of policy tools, mandatory tools are dominant, incentive and system-changing tools are complementary, and hortatory and capability-building tools are lacking; in terms of regional heterogeneity of policies, compared with the eastern, western and north- eastern regions, the text structure of the policies in the central region is the most comprehensive, diverse and complete in terms of policy needs, policy goals and policy tools. In the future, the government should optimise the policy needs and goals of the support policies, adjust the supply of policy tools, and promote the policy fairness.

Emergency leadership is at the core of the modernization of emergency management capabilities at the micro-scale, and it is also an important type of leadership that needs to be theoretically con- structed in non-conventional situations. Emergency leadership can satisfy people′s need for certainty in public emergencies in terms of emotions, time, and information, and bring followers the ability to develop and adapt in the midst of uncertainty, thus mitigating the negative impacts of public emergencies on organizations. The newly developed emergency leadership scale includes three dimensions: resilient mindset, resilient thinking and emergency literacy. Empirical tests show that the scale has high reliability and validity and can be used as a measurement tool for emergency leadership.