The special historical role of the ″the big rear area movies″ on the Anti-Japanese War has been a important academic research for the past thirty years. Scholarly understanding of its historical value has progressed through three stages: initially, it was viewed as a bridge connecting the ″New Cinema″ movement of the 1930s with the ″post-war new cinema″ of the late 1940s; subsequently, it was recognized for its contribution to filling the long-standing gap in documentary filmmaking in China through its ″documentary revolution″; and finally, it was revealed to have completed the construction of a realist cinematic system within the Chinese context. These three stages represented a deepening understanding, gradually deconstructing the historical driving mechanism of the wartime Chinese movies as a mainstream form. Although these stages exhibited a linear progression, they could be interpreted through Gramsci′s theory of ″cultural hegemony.″ Through the cultural strategy of ″consent production,″ cultural workers of the Communist Party of China successfully established discursive dominance in the cultural struggle between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party. This strategy had profound historical implications: it laid the ideological foundation for the 1949 political transition and shaped the genetic genealogy of contemporary mainstream Chinese cinema production.

Witness literature faces numerous challenges when writing extreme environments such as the Holocaust and war. On one hand, the horror of extreme environments is difficult to convey, and personal trauma carries an ″ unspeakable ″ quality that is hard for non-witnesses to imagine or comprehend.On the other hand, in extreme environments, witnesses largely lose their freedom of action and observation, which severely limits their perspective. Meanwhile, the ethics of witness literature prohibit the use of fiction or imagination to fill in gaps. As a result, testimonial literature often appears to be straight forward and seemingly devoid of narrative technique. In fact, while adhering strictly to factual accuracy,witness literature still involves deliberate selection and emphasis in its content. They tend to focus on depicting the turning point from a normal environment to an extreme one, capturing the unexpected moments and portraying elements such as contingency, extreme experiences, and dilemmas in extreme environment. Additionally, they often employ narrative techniques such as limited perspective and under-statement. These narrative choices aim to highlight the stark contrast between extreme and ordinary environments, underscoring their aberrant, grotesque, and paradoxical nature, thereby guiding readers to imagine and comprehend the unimaginable elements.

In audiovisual art, the expression of war trauma has long been visual-centric, making it difficult to fully present the memory coding of trauma. The acoustic experiment in the film Lili Marleen attempts to reverse this situation. The film presents the dual nature of sound : as a sliding sign and as a symbolized surplus. These two features together reveal the dual dimensions of sound politics — carrier of trauma and medium of resistance. The former reproduces the close relationship between the shaping and utilization of sound by power networks and individual trauma; the latter demonstrates the political potential of noise production in confronting the fictional nature of totalitarian symbols. This sound politics is widely present in audiovisual practice. In-depth discussion on this issue not only helps understand the agency of sound in memory research, but also facilitates exploring the possibility of sound intervention in historical writing and expanding existing anti-fascist war studies.

For decades, the governments of Singapore and Malaysia have regarded the Malayan Communist Party (MCP) as a threat to national security, and its related history has been obscured in mainstream discourse. In recent years, however, certain filmmakers have challenged the constraints of conventional historical narratives through works such as The Garden of Evening Mists, To Singapore, With Love, Absent Without Leave, and Buoluomi . Using intergenerational trauma and postmemory as entry points, these films reexamine MCP history from the perspective of personal experience and emotion. By combining archival materials with narrative innovation, they construct multiple intersections of history and memory, revealing the tension between individual recollection and official narratives. As a medium of historical representation, film not only breathes new life into neglected histories but also breaks through the limitations of traditional historiography, offering new possibilities for understanding the MCP and its impact.

Argentina and Italy share deep affinities in terms of ancestry, cultural traditions, social structures, and trajectories of modernization. These shared features led Argentine left-wing intellectuals, during the process of criticizing the traditional leftist thought and searching for alternative Marxist theories, to take the lead in Latin America in systematically translating, disseminating, and adapting Gramsci′s ideas, giving rise to what is known as the″ Argentine Gramscians″. Guided by Gramsci′s ideas, this group has carried out practical efforts to promote social change in three dimensions: cultivating a critical spirit, constructing a political subject of the nation and the people, and exploring paths to contest cultural hegemony. Although their political efforts did not always yield the anticipated outcomes, Gramsci′s thought has continued to exert enduring theoretical influence on Argentina and throughout Latin America.

Aristotle′s philosophy constitutes one of the most significant intellectual sources for Giorgio Agamben′s thought. Through his interpretation of Aristotle′s philosophy — particularly the Nicomachean Ethics — Agamben elaborates and deepens his concept of inoperativity, advancing it as a philosophical means of overcoming the constraints of contemporary biopolitics. However, a close examination of Agamben′s interpretation of Nicomachean Ethics 1097b25 — 1098a20 ( the so-called ″function argument ″) reveals a number of interpretive problems: the biopolitical logic that Agamben attributes to Aristotle is not, in fact, present in his philosophy. Rather, Aristotle′s exclusion of certain forms of life should be understood not as an expression of biopolitics, but as a manifestation of class politics. The mode of life that Aristotle deliberately excludes is not that of women and slaves, but that of free laboring citizens, particularly those engaged in manual crafts. The aim in pointing out Agamben′s misreading of Aristotle is not primarily to offer a correct interpretation, but rather to call into question the notion of ″inoperativity ″that Agamben derives from Aristotle′s texts. The inquiry centers on whether it is possible to critically inherit Aristotle′s logic in such a way that all individuals might participate in the ″actualizing activity ″at the core of ″function argument ″, and thereby become truly free beings.

The relationship between supervisory organs and administrative organs is crucial to the effectiveness of supervision, and the embedded autonomy theory provides an analytical perspective for understanding the relationship between these two organizations. In the process of royal authorization and bureaucratic interaction, the ancient Chinese supervisory system developed an embedded and autonomous organizational characteristic due to the need for organizational legitimacy that required political support from the monarch and political recognition from the bureaucracy. According to different monarchic strategies and the degree of ″embedded autonomy″, the organizational form of ancient Chinese supervisory system presents four characteristics: ″balanced coordination-strong embedment-strong autonomy″, ″guided opposition-weak embedment-strong autonomy″, ″weakened suspension-strong embedment-weak autonomy″, ″extraordinary empowerment-weak embedment-weak autonomy″. Therefore, it can be divided into four types: ″cooperative type″, ″confrontational type″, ″protective type″, and ″overriding type″. Due to the influence of different strategies of monarchs and changes in the balance of power between supervisory and administrative agencies, the ideal form of cooperative supervisory organizations often transforms into confrontational or protective supervisory organizations, and overriding supervisory organizations are added to complete special delegated tasks. To learn from the history, we should avoid such changes, regulate the ″embedment-autonomy″ relationship between supervisory and administrative organs, and shape a cooperative supervisory organizational form.

The new Supervision Law does not establish a limitation period system, which has reignited debates on the concept, basis, and scope of supervision limitation. Since the exercise of certain supervisory powers does not affect the rights of the supervised individuals, it renders statute of limitations irrelevant. Therefore, the supervisory limitation period should be defined as the valid time frame within which supervisory authorities investigate duty-related violations and crimes, impose administrative sanctions, or transfer cases for prosecution. Considering the normative characteristics of the Supervision Law, the general value of the statute of limitations, and the systemic connection between the Supervision Law and the criminal law, the supervision limitation is theoretically justified. However, due to the lack of explicit normative foundations, its theoretical justification also requires practical necessity. Specifically, supervisory time limits for external duty-related violations can hardly alter the outcomes of internal administrative disciplinary sanctions imposed on public officials, so the actual value of this limitation period is limited and its necessity is insufficient; by contrast, the limitation period for duty-related crimes is indispensable due to the need for coordination between the Supervision Law and the criminal law. Therefore, it is only necessary to construct a limitation period system for the supervision of duty-related crimes. Currently, the institutionalization of supervision limitation can be achieved through the doctrinal interpretation of criminal prosecution limitation rules. Nevertheless, in the long term, the prosecution limitation system should be improved to meet practical needs.

In order to enhance the ability of China disciplinary inspection and supervision agencies to empower anti-corruption with big data informatization, digital disciplinary inspection and supervision specifically targeting corrupt behavior in the digital space and the integration of virtual and real fields have emerged, demonstrating the powerful advantages of digital supervision. However, the current practice of digital discipline inspection and supervision also reflects the legal dilemma of vague legal positioning, excessive supervision scope, and lack of technical norms, which urgently need to be promoted at the institutional level. To improve the digital discipline inspection and supervision system, it is necessary to recognize the effectiveness of the technical empowerment and power supervision of the discipline inspection and supervision organs, as well as to standardize the daily operation of the digital supervision platform. Therefore, China should first define digital discipline inspection and supervision as a new type of ″ supervision method ″ and bind it with statutory powers; Secondly, it is necessary to establish power limiting measures for digital disciplinary inspection and supervision, establish norms for safeguarding the right to information, regulating remedies and appeals for individual rights and interests, and regulating digital accountability; Finally, it is necessary to improve the technical specifications of digital discipline inspection and supervision, such as data access permissions, data processing permissions, data sealing permissions, etc.

Corruption governance is a critical political task that bears directly on the future of the Party and the nation. The integration of digital technology into anti-corruption efforts plays a transformative role in advancing the Party′s work style, promoting clean government, and fundamentally reshaping corruption control. The Technological, Public, and Regional dimensions of the TPR framework reveal significant effects of digital technology on corruption governance efficiency, public participation trust, and regional balance. Specifically, the digital technology index can be employed as the independent variable and the Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) as the dependent variable to examine their relationship; Mediation effect analysis can be conducted to examine the role of public trust in participation as an intermediary between regional balance and the perception of anti-corruption achievements; and based on the statistical results of reginal balance in corruption governance, the regional differences in governance performance can be explored. The findings indicate that digital technology significantly improves governance efficiency, and public participation trust is affected by regional balance. At present, the digital technology driven-corruption governance is evolving from basic digitalization and institutionalization toward a more intelligent and innovation-driven stage, marking a new era of smart and efficient governance.

Big data is revolutionizing every aspect of human society, with public policy being no exception. Policy agendas in the big data era have shown new characteristics, and understanding how these changes occur is worth in-depth exploration. From the perspective of the multiple-streams theory, this paper examines the case study of the Special Report on Social Governance in Qingdao West Coast New Area and reveals the internal mechanism through which big data influences policy agendas : Big data has fundamentally changed the identification mechanism for social issues, significantly advancing the timing of issue detection, thereby profoundly impacting the problem stream; the integration of big data into the political stream has objectively strengthened it; big data has increased the frequency of policy window openings, making them more routine. Big data significantly impacts policy agendas, giving rise to new features such as the dominance of the problem stream, the dependence of the policy stream on the problem stream, the solidification of the political stream, and the loss of significance of policy windows. However, over-reliance on big data-driven policy agendas has limitations. For instance, it is susceptible to interference from administrative preferences and neglects stakeholders′ roles, both of which may increase resistance during policy implementation.

The relationship between technology and the state has undergone historical phases of mutual accommodation and integration, now advancing along a trajectory toward shared civilizational prosperity. In the wave of digital intelligence, modern states regard technological progress as a critical agenda, creating opportunities for potential technological innovation on the basis of translating scientific and technological achievements into practical applications. Beginning with a critical examination of the ‘technology — state′nexus, this study explores the co-constructive logic between technological advancement and state formation, aiming to illuminate how technology affirms state legitimacy, to articulate the essence of the state through technological discourse, and to probe the political intentions of modern states as revealed through technological connotations, and to reflect on and criticize the modernity of technology within a civilizational context. The co-constitutive nature of technological development and civilizational evolution is, in the contemporary era, most prominently manifested in the multiple and complex tensions linking technological progress to the presentation of state essence, the enhancement of state capacity, and the survival of modern states. The interrelation between modern state formation and contemporary technological progress calls for a renewed examination of the essence of the state within the new technological milieu, the pursuit of the value consensus of technological innovation within the domain of the state, and, in civilizational terms, the transcendence of the historical threshold set by the logic of capital. Ultimately, it seeks the coherent integration of the guiding principles of the state and the instrumental capacities of technology, transforming technological factors into a revolutionary force for advancing historical development and achieving human emancipation.

As the backbone force in resolving family disputes, lawyers should not only actively safeguard the legitimate rights and interests of their clients but also strive to promote the amicable resolution of family disputes and substantially address the disputes at source. However, due to insufficient awareness, insufficient willingness, and insufficient supply of norms for lawyers to participate in the source governance of family disputes, the role that lawyers play in the source governance of family disputes in China is rather limited. To enhance the lawyers′ contribution, it is necessary to redefine the purpose and significance of lawyers′ participation in the source governance of family disputes, refine the behavioral norms and criteria for lawyers to resolve family disputes as a whole, and build a long-term mechanism of professional development for lawyers′ involvement in family dispute mediation. In addition, it is also necessary to explore and innovate the market-oriented family dispute resolution mechanism for lawyers, so that lawyers′ participation in the source governance of family disputes can achieve the best results. This can not only effectively reduce the number of family lawsuits and relieve the burden on the courts, but also benefit the parties involved in family disputes and minor children, and is likely to solve the development dilemma of the legal profession in the future.