People often treat the digitalization of humanities literature as digital humanities, or the appealing to humanism in the digital age as digital humanities. These are two understandings based on formal meaning. The formal structure of digital humanities is numerical, while the substance is humanistic, which is a fundamental requirement that must be upheld in the digital age. Humanism defines the basic values of the digital age, which also reflects the essential requirement of public life in the digital age. In other words, humans are ends rather than means. This principle is not shaken by the digital age. Instead, it is consolidated. This is a common value that spans different technological eras. If the humanistic orientation of the digital age is distorted and public life loses its normativity with human beings as its purpose, then the digital age will be a terrifying era that undermines human values and disrupts the public world. Putting an end to the usurpation of substantive rationality by instrumental rationality and maintaining the basic value regularity of ″men as the ends″ are the basic principles that need to be upheld in and out of the digital age. This is the only proper way to prevent technological tools from controlling hu mans and turning them into tools.

In the digital age, one of the typical characteristics of popular culture is ″plafulness″. It is through games that the online public reshape the sensory structure, making ″playful emotion″ the dominant emotional mode. In the cultural phenomenon of ″NetEase Cloud″, melancholy is not only shareable, but also mechanically replicable. The melancholy writers achieve the transcendence of melancholy through the replicative production of melancholy words. In Internet jouissance articles, inducing anger and creating pleasure has become a meta-narrative-level procedure. Readers′ experience of ″jouissance points″ originates from this procedure and has nothing to do with justice. Readers of online abusive articles always ″seek pain for themselves″ while reading, and their ″pain″ is meaningless. They treat pain with a playful attitude. Gamification is a ″quiet revolution″ that occurs in the digital environment. It may transform the sensory structure of the Internet public and enable them to form a ″nonserious″ shared experience in games. When the Internet public generally reach a consensus on ″playing games″, it is possible to form a true ″emotional community″ in which subjects recognize each other. Therefore, we should defend the ″playing field″.

With the development of artificial intelligence in recent years, there has been increasing discussion about whether it will replace human writers. Compared to the ″End of Literature″ theory pro posed by Hillis Miller twenty years ago, the challenges that artificial intelligence brings to literary creation can be regarded as a new ″End of Literature″ theory, directly related to the nature and status of the literary creation subject. At present, academia holds two different positions on AI writing, reflecting the dualistic thinking framework of anthropocentrism vs. anti-anthropocentrism and subjectivity vs. anti-subjectivity. In fact, when discussing the subjectivity of AI writing, we should abandon this binary way of thinking and return to the reflection on the theories of literary creation. Traditionally, literary theories regard the creative subjectivity as the expression of the authors′ emotional thoughts and the presentation of their language ability, but the emergence of artificial intelligence provides a new method to understand the creative subjectivity. From the perspective of literary creation principles, the isomorphism of thinking and language makes artificial intelligence writing ″ quasi-subjective″. From the perspective of aesthetic connotation, artificial intelligence reveals the public issues of aesthetics and brings new possibilities for understanding the subject of literary creation.

Published nearly 60 years ago, Jürgen Habermas′ The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere has had an interdisciplinary impact in the fields of political philosophy, democratic theory, and media studies. In his book Habermas constructs a model of the public sphere, and although the applicability of its normative criteria has been controversial, it is indeed frequently used to test the possibility of democratization in existing countries. In the digital age, the spatial imagination and the ″division″ based structural characteristics of the classical public sphere theory are greatly challenged, but digital media, as technological ″actors″ in Latour′s sense, have undoubtedly reintroduced the possibility of a new kind of public sphere. The emergence of Internet technologies makes it necessary to revisit the normativity of the public sphere, adjust its standards to adapt to the changing media realities, and thus effectively explore how the new media environment can also contribute to new democratic practices on a global scale. Therefore, it is necessary to explore the structural premises emphasized by normative public sphere theories, introduce theories of ″connective politics″ and ″affective publics″ in an attempt to replace the ″ separated″spatial imagination with the hyper ″connection″ of digital technologies, and integrate ″affection″ into the examination of the publicity to balance the liberalism′s absolute emphasis on ″rationality″ in political life.

Many shells called ″ digital rights″ have been left on the beach after the digital wave, which have aroused heated discussions in the academic community. However, there is still a lack of the concept of the most basic rights like the right to data access. Therefore, from the perspective of emerging rights, the constitutional human rights clause, the personal dignity clause and the general restriction clause provide the constitutional normative basis for the justification of this right. The right to data access is equivalent to the life of citizens in the digital space. It is the qualification of individuals to participate in digital activities through data and Internet connection. It is a basic human right in the digital age. The realization of this right depends on the construction of a digital legal system, giving full play to the initiative of the country, platforms and users to participate in digital governance, clarifying the functional positioning of administrative departments, and establishing a complete national regulatory mechanism. Data access protection should be guided by classifying and grading rules and respect individual privacy and right to know. At the same time, tort liability shall follow the principle of presumed fault liability, supplemented by no fault liability, paying attention to preventive responsibility to deal with potential risks, and introducing public interest litigation mechanism, so as to draw up the last line of defense for citizens′ data access protection.

As an important way for the CPC to conduct full and rigorous Party self-governance, the inner-Party accountability system has experienced a century old journey covering the initial development period, tortuous development period, recovery development period and all round development period. From the perspective of historical institutionalism, the changes of the accountability system within the Party are the result of the interaction of the macro environment, political variables, key nodes and path dependence. Changes in the institutional environment have led to the changes of the intra-Party accountability system. Political variables such as the policy and concept of strict Party self-governance promote the improvement of the intra-Party accountability system. Key nodes determine the trend of the inner-Party accountability system. And path dependence continuously strengthens the accountability system within the Party. Overall, evolution of the inner-Party accountability system shows the distinctive characteristics of systematization and rule of law, showing the historical experience of adhering to the leadership of the Party as the foundation, seizing the ″key minority″ as the guidance, and taking the full coverage supervision as the approach. It is an epitome of the continuous development and improvement of China′s inner-Party legal and institutional system.

Strict discipline enforcement is an important way for the Communist Party of China ( CPC) to transform disciplinary texts into disciplinary effects. The efficiency of discipline enforcement is affected by multiple factors, but the existing research has never formed an analytical framework to systematically explain this issue. Based on the cost analysis theory of new institutionalism, an analytical frame work of discipline enforcement costs can be constructed. The Party′s discipline enforcement costs are the resources consumed in the process of fully transforming the basic investment in discipline construction in to the effect of discipline restraint, including information collection cost, law application cost, organization and coordination cost, error correction and remedy cost, and speculation resistance cost. The experience of discipline inspection system reform in the new era shows that excessive costs of discipline enforcement will reduce the actual effect of discipline constraint, which will promote the Party′s reform in terms of power allocation, organizational adjustment, and establishment of rules and regulations, and achieve a new dynamic balance between the costs and benefits of discipline enforcement for the ultimate improvement of the efficiency of disciplinary work. The discipline enforcement cost framework provides a useful medium mechanism for observing the Party′s discipline construction.

Public perception of corruption governance performance is one of the important contents of corruption perception. Improving public perception of corruption governance performance is of great significance for promoting China′s corruption governance work. By constructing a three dimensional analysis framework of ″ public individualsgovernment behaviorssocial environment″ and using the fsQCA method to conduct empirical research on CSS2021 related data, we can reveal the influencing factors and logical mechanism that lead to the perception of ″high corruption governance performance″. The public perception of corruption governance performance is influenced by multiple complex factors, among which the credibility of news media, government economic governance work, social fairness and justice, and social atmosphere are relatively important influencing factors. The interpretation path of ″perception of high corruption governance performance″ can be classified into the governmentsociety driven type, individual society driven type, and comprehensively driven type. In terms of the eastern, central and western regions, the core conditions to determine the perception of corruption governance performance in the eastern region are public service satisfaction and news media credibility. In the central region, the core condition is the fairness of governmental law enforcement, and in the western region it is the social fairness and jus tice. From the perspective of urban and rural areas, the core condition for the perception of corruption governance performance in urban area is government administrative transparency, while in the rural area, it is public service satisfaction, social fairness and justice, and social atmosphere that form the conditions.

The effectiveness of corruption governance work is crucial in influencing people′s sense of gain from anti-corruption work, but how the effectiveness of external anti-corruption work specifically affects and transforms into people′s sense of gain from anti-corruption has become an urgent practical question that needs to be answered. This article constructed a theoretical analysis framework for the effective ness of anti-corruption work people′s sense of gain from anti-corruption work and tested it with empirical data. Research has shown that the objective situation of corruption governance has a significant positive impact on people′s sense of gain in anti-corruption, especially that increasing anti-corruption efforts have a positive impact on people′s sense of gain in anti-corruption and differentiated values of integrity can in fluence the overall effectiveness of anti-corruption work. In addition, in depth advancement of anti-corruption work helps to enhance people′s socioeconomic status, improve people′s perception of fairness, ensure the government′s responsiveness of livelihood cause, and play a practical role in guaranteeing and increasing people′s sense of gain from anti-corruption. Therefore, to further ensure and enhance the people′s sense of gain from anti-corruption, the government should make efforts to address the micro-corruption problems around the people, ensure the orderly development of the livelihood cause and comprehend sively improve the quality of government integrity work by focusing on the actual needs of the people and accurizing the ″supply″ of anti-corruption work.

Relying on digital intelligence technology to straighten out the internal mechanism of community emergency governance and break through the governance threshold has become a feasible path for the innovation of community emergency governance. The construction of ″community brain″ in L Street of Shanghai has given birth to a new mode of community emergency governance characterized by ″big data+ grid management″, making full use of the current favorable opportunity of digital intelligence development. It not only reshapes the original community emergency governance structure from the dimensions of subject, space, rules and methods, but also implements digital intelligence in the entire life cycle of community emergency governance, which is mainly reflected in dynamic and continuous action links such as community emergency prevention, emergency preparation, emergency response and emergency recovery, and effectively ensures the high-quality operation of the whole process of community emergency governance. In response to the dual path of digital intelligence technology enabling community emergency governance, it is necessary to strengthen the mechanism construction of top-level design, unimpeded multiple participation, information security guarantee and innovative talent cultivation.

As the first respondent to emergencies in the government system, the grassroots governments have to face the deep uncertainty caused by transboundary crises. The crisis response behavior of grassroots governments, originating from the deep uncertainty derived from cross-border crises, is affected by the responsibility driven model and the risk-driven model. Grassroots governments show dual adaptive characteristics in their functions of crisis recognition, communication, collaboration, and control. An empirical study taking the response behavior of China′s K County during the incubation stage of the emerging infectious disease crisis as an example shows that the crisis response behavior of K County is jointly driven and shaped by dual models. In terms of the cognition, communication, collaboration and control functions, there exists a relationship of convergence, parallelism, and extrusion between the responsibility-driven model and the risk-driven model, thus shaping the dual adaptation model of grassroots governments in the incubation stage of transboundary crises.

Decision-making is a key link in risk governance and emergency response activities. As political entities with complete institutional frameworks in China′s vertical national governance system, Party committees and governments at the county level are located at the ″connection point″ of provinces, prefectures and towns. In risk situations, grassroots officials who act as ″touchpoint agents″ are not completely autonomous when making decisions, but face multiple internal and external constraints, under which they must prioritize value, weigh pros and cons, and choose solutions. The three factor model of ″ superior support institutional clarity personal experience” based on the Chinese context, regards the risk decision=making behaviors of the county Party committee and government officials as the result of their efforts to achieve equilibrium among superior support, institutional norms and personal experiences. The absence of any one of the three factors can lead to the failure of risk decision-making. To improve the quality of risk decision making, county level officials must simultaneously win sufficient support from superiors, rely on institutional norms, and have rich individual experiences.

The effect of the grassroots emergency management in the risk society not only affects the development of the emergency itself, but also is related to the harmony and stability of the whole society. The analysis results of 72 public emergencies show that the initial risk state of induced crises can be di vided into three types: definite state, tentative state and uncertain state. Different combinations of the eight core factors of event risk status, event severity, prevention ability, response ability, learning ability, subject and resource coordination, participation in cultural construction and information technology level constitute six co-governing paths that affect the effectiveness of grassroots emergency management. The co-governance paths are highlighted by the collaborative path driven by multiple subjects, the aggregative path driven by cultural construction, the efficiency enhancing path driven by composite capabilities, and the empowering path driven by information technology. The improvement of grassroots emergency management effect not only depends on effective front end co-governance, but also relies on the long term maintenance of backend effects. Through positive feedback from common benefit to co-governance, it is possible to avoid the generation of new polymorphic risks, which is conducive to the long-term stability of the whole society.

The time of human life in the world is socialized, also known as cultural time. Among them, time and culture construct each other, forming the cultural norms of time and the temporal order of culture. Therefore, social and cultural life and cultural phenomena have temporal patterns and characteristics, which are called ″cultural phases″. It indicates that social culture has different states and characteristics in different time orders and time conditions, that is, different forms of cultural life have different time paradigms. This kind of interactive mechanism between culture and time is not only embodied in the rational improvement of the subject′s cognition and the development of humanization and civilization, but also disclosed by the interaction between hereditary acquisition and acquired inheritance of cultural inheritance. This thesis aims to provide a theoretical analysis of some important patterns and mechanisms of cultural time from the perspective of the interactive construction relationship between culture and time, so as to deepen the academic exploration of temporal culturology and cultural time theory.

Chinese culture is an Ende culture, which regulates interpersonal relationships by giving and repaying kindness. The managers of society are the givers of the kindness, while the managed are the recipients and repayers of the kindness. The Ende Culture has established different ethical categories in different fields. In the family field, an ethical category centered on filial piety has been formed, con structing ethical norms of parental love, filial piety, brotherhood, and virtue between husband and wife. In the social field, an ethical category centered on friendship and respect has been formed, constructing ethical norms of respecting the superiors and caring for the inferiors, respecting the elderly and caring for the young, and trusting friends. In the political field, an ethical category centered on loyalty and obedience has been formed, constructing ethical norms of the wise emperor and loyal vassals, the good officials and obedient people. These categories all reflect the concept of Ende which form a complete Chinese cultural system.